上一集,老京城的天空发生了变化。冯玉祥的枪声把最后一个皇帝溥仪拖了出来,
《神州大地》系列 總第 25 集:「爱国者还是卖国贼?孙中山在广州 ——谁为他的总统职位提供资金?| 神州大地第 25 集」是本集影片的完整图文转录,可逐字阅读,也可前往影片页观看对应画面。
上一集,天
老城上的天
变了
冯玉祥的枪
把最后
一个皇帝溥仪
从紫禁城
拉了出来
赶走了
总统曹锟
从权
…
段祺瑞和张作霖接着占领了北方。然而在那一刻的动荡之中数千里南方的广州
又有一个人在悄悄地重组着军队和党派。 他的
名字叫孙中山
(顺带一提,别
把人搞混了:“孙”
是他的
名,“中山”
是他的
字。在当时
一向尊长
用字称呼
不用名
比如北方
强人段
祺瑞就
被称作“智泉”。 所以当你听到
"孙文"和
"孙中山"被
互相替换
时,他们其实是同一个人
。)记住这个名字
孙中山。他的
一生都在呼吁
"救国"。
然而,
奇怪的是,他的一生中也
从外国人那里借来
的东西很多 —
钱、枪、顾问和
重建一个党的整个
方法。在1924年,
在广州,他突然
一下子拥有了:
一个崭新的党派,
一个崭新的军事
学院,和无穷无尽
的卢布和步枪。
然而就在几年前,为了
借他的第一枚硬币和他的第一把枪,他已经
将一大片的国土借给了
邻国
这个人是爱国者,还是叛徒
这个插曲并没有给你
带来结论——它只是逐步把事实
呈现出来
说“借给外国人”不是
比喻的语言
。 他真正
走了很远去
写信和
借书。他从
俄罗斯借了东西
在北方,从
日本借了东西
在东方。他所借的东西
变成了
子弹,或权力的
印记,或在
有约定的协议上
放弃的权利。
一个哭喊“救救国家”的
人,他的筹码往往是
外国钱和枪支——这个
场景本身就值得深思
长久
这个故事不是关于一个
卡通式的恶人。孙中山有
他的执着、他的坚韧
在一次又一次的失败
中,以及他对一个
腐败的时代的厌恶。 然而同一
人为了实现
自己的总统梦想
也做了些
后世难以原谅的事
让我们逐一
分析。首先,那封
寄往东京的信
回想一下1914年
那年,孙中山
已经是心灰意冷的人了。 两年前,第二次革命
他对袁世凯的起义
在第一次冲击下
崩溃了。他逃到
东京,生活在
流放中,等待机遇。一
个没有钱,没有基础,没有
军队,躲在外国屋檐下的
革命者能做一件
实际的事情
写信。
5月11日,他写了一
封长信。信
件的收件人是
日本首相
大隈重信
大隈重信伯爵阁下
首相阁下:我
认为日本今日
应该协助中国
的复兴,以
拯救东亚的
危机;
而中国的回报
将是打开她的
国家市场,来
惠及日本
的工业和
商业。中国可能
打开她的整个
市场来惠及
日本的工业
和商业,并
使日本能够
享受贸易
优势的垄断权。 如果中国
拥有关税自主权
那么她
就应该与日本
结成关税联盟
日本制造的产品
卖到中国
应免关税
中国送给日本的原料
也应免关税
至于领事
司法权的撤回
日本可以先
承认它
从而使得日本人
可以在中国
居住和经商
有利于中国的便利。 于是
日本没有
像英属印度那样
负担英国的费用
和驻军和行政
费用,获得了
在中国的巨大市场
利润翻倍
孙中山印鉴:"孙中山印鉴"),大正三年
五月十一日
中华民国三年
停下来细细品味
的对比。1914年日本是什么样的? 它刚刚
吞并了
韩国
不久前
,并以饥渴的眼光
注视着
东北地区
。 它的
下一步行动将是
臭名昭著的
二十一条要求
在这种时候,
一个邻国在
磨刀霍霍之际,
孙逸仙写道:
同一民族,同一
命运,相互
依存
提供整个
国家市场
关税自主权,和
领事
管辖权给
日本。 一位哭泣的男子
拯救民族
伸手去拿刀子
被那最急切要割裂
中国的
人握在手中
这封1914年的信
并不是孤立的案例。 在
此类信件
到达日本
军方人员(如
田中义一),右翼领袖
如
东亚真人
犬养毅
杉山元
他们的要求
都是相同的
提供资金和
武器来帮助
他统一中国,并
讨论关税、法律
权利和市场的
让步。
1918 年的 "中日联盟"据说是
与此类似
同样也影响了
东北地区
其真实性存疑
我们并不依靠它
只是记下了这一说法
但是1914年给大隈的
信是黑白分明,
收藏在他的作品
中无可辩驳
有人为他辩护:他
是被逼的,没有
外援,革命
失败了
放弃关税和法律
权利是必要的,而不是他
真正的心意。 他人
不会宽恕
国家
主权不是
太阳的私有
财产,
可以用来
换取他自己的
政治资本
这段插曲
对任何人都无
需负责
但是,这个
记录是最早
和最明显
的自私行为的
记录。记住
这个事件的余波
持续了十年。
到1924年,他已经与苏联结盟了,然而这些早期的承诺仍然像阴影一样紧跟在他后面。
后来的历史学家挖掘了他们,
并问了同样的问题:如果一个人的救国需要抵押国土,
那么这个国家是谁的?
切换到八年后的夏季,1922年
这一次,孙中山不在东京写信;
他在广州,正在接受炮火。
6月16日夜,
陈继铭
命令他的下属
轰炸总统府。孙中山
惊慌失措地逃往一
艘名叫永丰的
战舰
,但这艘船
被困在珠江
的波涛中,
几乎50天没有
靠岸。炮弹
击中了船体,
食物和水
进进出出。
要成为国民的指挥者的人
被困在自己的首都河里
动弹不得。 (Why did that
shot ring out
In 1921 Sun had
taken office in
Canton as
Extraordinary
President, bent on a
Northern
Expedition
draining Kwangtung
of troops and
provisions to fight
the northern
warlords. Chen
Jiongming instead
argued to first
secure Kwangtung
and let the
provinces govern
themselves. He would
not pour
Kwangtung''s lives
and money into that
northern campaign
Sun wanted
concentrated power
Chen wanted to
devolve it to the
localities. The
clash grew so bitter
that Sun simply
dismissed Chen
stripping him of
both the Kwangtung
army command and the
provincial
governorship. The
troops still sat in
Canton; the general
had been robbed of
his seal. On the night
of June 16, 1922
Chen''s subordinate
Ye Ju surrounded the
Presidential
Palace and demanded
Sun step down. In a
word: this was no
sudden betrayal, but
two roads, two
visions of "China
meeting muzzle to
muzzle.)
A detail, very Sun. On
the cabin wall he
pasted two
characters
Northern
Expedition." He
stared at them day
after day. For fifty
days, the fighting
raged outside, the
words pinned within
a defeated man''s
obsession reveals
sometimes more
clearly than any
victor''s manifesto
what he truly meant
to do. What he brooded
on was "unification
by force, welding
north and south into
a China that
answered to him
Now it is time to do
Chen Jiongming
justice. In this
episode he cannot be
written merely as
the rebel who
bombarded the
palace" — that was a
label others stuck
on him. In the years
Chen governed
Kwangtung he did
real things: he
banned gambling
with an iron hand
sweeping away the
opium dens and
casinos; he promoted
education
vigorously
encouraging
universities and
newspapers; he
pushed local
self-government
letting county
assemblies
actually speak. He
too had a "map of China
only his map
differed from Sun''s
Chen wanted "federal
self-government": a
China where each
province first set
its own house in
order, then joined
loosely — provinces
with their own
charters, electing
their own officials
growing peacefully
into a modern state
Sun wanted
unification by
force": first the gun
then a strong center
kneading the whole
country into one
Which road lay
closer to "saving the
nation"? The debate
rages to this day. Yet
what happened then
was this: Sun wanted
the Northern
Expedition; Chen
would not send
troops. Sun wanted to
concentrate power
Chen wanted to
release it to the
localities — the
divergence widened
until the shell was
loaded
Where did Sun''s
self-interest" hide
Not in the words "save
the nation" — that was
most likely sincere
It hid in the
insistence that
salvation must come
through me": my party
my army, my
legitimacy. The
federal road''s
fatal flaw, to him, was
that it had no need
for a Sun perched
high above. So he
chose the cannon, not
persuasion. That
shot scattered not
only a presidential
palace, but a gentler
less bloody road for
China
Those fifty days on
the Yongfeng were
the lowest point of
Sun''s life. Yet the
defeated Sun was
about to meet an
outside force" that
would turn his
fortunes — not Japan
but Russia. This shot
knocked him from
power; the next turn
delivered him to
another door
January 26, 1923
Shanghai. Sun and a
Soviet named Joffe
signed a
declaration. That
year he had just
escaped the
Yongfeng, returned
to Canton to set up
the Grand Marshal''s
Headquarters, yet
still held few guns
The Russians, eyeing
his banner of
anti-imperialism
anti-warlord
extended a hand
money, guns, advisers
all offered. Sun took
it
Dr. Sun Yat-sen
holds that the
Communist
organization, and
even the Soviet
system, cannot in
fact be applied to
China, because China
does not possess the
conditions under
which such
communism or Soviet
system could
succeed. On this view
Mr. Joffe is in
complete agreement
and holds that the
most important and
pressing problem of
China is the
successful
unification of the
Republic and the
attainment of
complete national
independence. The
Russian government
is prepared and
willing, on the basis
of Russia''s
renunciation of all
treaties and forced
rights inherited
from the tsarist
regime toward China
to open a fresh
Sino-Russian
negotiation. The
present Russian
government has
never had, and never
has had, any
intention of
pursuing an
imperialist policy
in Outer Mongolia, or
of causing it to
secede from China
January 26, 1923
Shanghai
Beyond money and
guns, Russia sent a
man named Borodin
His title was "Sun''s
political adviser
Yet he did far more
than "advise": the
Kuomintang''s
organizational
charter, propaganda
system, and
commissar system
were largely built
by him on the Soviet
template. To speak
plainly — the later
tight
bone-structure of
that party was
fitted by a
foreigner. A party
that cried
independence and
autonomy had a
foreign adviser as
its architect
Some ask: early you
sought Japan, now you
seek Russia — did the
object change, or
that "borrow from
outside" heart? Sun''s
own answer was
roughly: whoever
helps me unify, I go to
them. Yet the
question is
precisely this
when a party''s money
guns, and charter all
come from outside, is
that party still
China''s party, or
whose pawn? We hang
this question here
next act, we see what
it grew into
Borodin reached
Canton in
October 1923. From
that month, Canton''s
streets suddenly
sprouted slogans
and the party''s
newspapers grew
busy — a party rearmed
with printing
presses and
organizational
technique was a
different beast
from the one with a
few broken guns. This
time Sun borrowed
not merely money, but
a whole method of "how
to organize people
January 20 to 30, 1924
at 215 Wenming Road
Canton — the former
hall of the
Kwangtung Higher
Normal School
the Kuomintang held
its First National
Congress. These
twenty days remade
the party. The
congress fixed
three phrases: "ally
with Russia, admit
the Communists
assist workers and
peasants. " Sun
reinterpreted his
Three Principles
of the nation, of the
people''s rights, of
the people''s
livelihood — and
stuffed the Soviet
method inside
The most fatal
stroke of this
reorganization was
not the slogan but
the system. From here
the party ceased to
be loose factions; it
gained commissars
political work, and
the rule of "the party
commands the gun." Put
plainly: before this
the country had at
least tried to order
its affairs by
charter, by assembly
by election — that
nascent road
yielded, from this
moment, to "the party
governs all." A party
supplanted the law; a
written charter
lost to a party
statute. Where this
step grew, those who
lived through it
understood
Speaking of guns
That same year, May 3
Sun appointed
Chiang Kai-shek
superintendent of
the Whampoa
Military Academy; it
opened June 16. On
Changzhou Island
the first cadets
about five hundred
reported for duty
and were issued
straw-bound fake
rifles; the real
rifles had not yet
arrived. Only when
the Soviet ship
docked, unloading
several thousand
rifles and dozens of
advisers, did the
cadets first touch
live ammunition. One
detail tells the
whole origin of this
army: first the party
first the outside
funding, then the gun
The saying "power
grows from the
barrel of a gun" must
here be read
backwards — it was the
outside gun that
first fed this army
Linking the first
three acts, Sun''s
method of "borrow
outside, build party
raise army" had a
clear reckoning
with no money or gun
of his own, borrow
from foreigners
with the borrowed
money and guns, form
an army loyal to "the
party"; then use that
army to realize his
ideal of
unification
through me." The ideal
was real, and so was
the calculation
This method took him
in one year, from the
defeated man on the
Yongfeng to one
possessed of party
academy, roubles, and
rifles. Yet it also
planted something
when the gun was no
longer fully in his
own hands, to whom did
that party, that army
truly belong? We
leave that to a later
episode to bear
fruit
Looking back at Act
Two''s federal road
Chen wanted
provincial
charters, peaceful
self-rule, slowly
growing a modern
state — that too was a
charter" road, only
without a strong Sun
at the center. To
unify through me," Sun
cut it down with
cannon; turning, he
used "party governs
all" to replace the
parliamentary road
as well. Two gentler
roads for China were
both severed by his
self-interest. " This
is the account this
episode asks you to
see clearly
September 1924, Sun
set up the Northern
Expedition
headquarters at
Shaoguan
personally
directing. This time
he finally had
Whampoa''s fresh
army at his back. But
the North moved
faster: as told last
episode, Feng
Yuxiang''s guns had
forced Cao Kun down
and Puyi out of the
palace. The new men
Duan Qirui and Zhang
Zuolin, both sent
word to Sun: come
north, let us consult
on the nation''s
affairs
The purpose of this
war is not only to
overthrow the
warlords, but
especially to
overthrow the
imperialism on
which the warlords
depend for survival
It especially
represents the
nation abroad
demanding a fresh
review of all
unequal treaties
the abolition of all
privileges thereby
fixed, and the
conclusion of new
treaties of mutual
equality and
respect for
sovereignty. The
purpose of the
National
Revolution is to
build an
independent nation
to uphold the
interests of the
nation and its
people
September 18
thirteenth year of
the Republic
On November 13, Sun
left Canton, heading
north. By then his
liver disease was
already grave. He did
not know that this
departure would be
his last return to
Kwangtung. On
December 31 he
reached Peking; four
months later
March 12, 1925, he
died there. A man who
cried "save the
nation" half his life
exhaled his last
breath in the city he
had striven so long
to unify
On this northern
journey he took an
unfinished
unification" dream
he left a party just
assembled yet
already
party-governs-all
and an army fed by
outside force. Where
that army''s later
wars reached, you
mostly know in
outline — but that is
another story. This
episode stops at the
year 1924, the room in
Canton, and the ship
just delivering
real guns
Do the things left
from that year still
exist? Go to
Changzhou Island
Whampoa''s old site
remains; go to
215 Wenming Road
the congress hall
remains; go to
Zhiti Road, the
Grand Marshal''s
porch remains. Stand
at these three
places and you can
piece together the
shape of 1924 in your
mind: a party set out
anew from here; an
army set out anew
from here; a system of
party governs all
set out anew from
here
This episode laid
out some hard
materials: the 1914
letter
surrendering
tariffs and legal
rights; the two
characters
Northern
Expedition" pasted
on the Yongfeng
in 1922; the 1923
declaration that
wanted neither the
Soviet system nor
Russia''s money and
guns"; the 1924 party
statute replacing
the old charter, and
the cadets with
straw then real
rifles. The
materials are here
we paint none red, we
whitewash none for
you
An old man borrowed
all his life, the
money, guns, and
charters of
outsiders, to
fulfill his own
presidential dream
He pledged away
territory, yet he
truly wished to
remake this nation
Yet consider: when a
party''s and an
army''s money and
guns all come from
beyond the border, is
that party still the
Chinese people''s
own party? In whose
hands that army
later rested, whom it
fired upon, what it
changed — that is a
question left for
you to answer
Patriot, or traitor
You be the judge
▶ 觀看本集影片(含畫面與地圖):Patriot or Traitor? Sun Yat-sen in Guangzhou — who bankrolled his presidency? | Shenzhou Dadi Episode 25